All posts by毛泽东

毛泽东

玛雅·格林致力于东非社会转型问题和国际发展人类学。她写过从反巫术实践到非政府组织扩散的各种各样的话题。她在曼彻斯特大学教书。曼彻斯特.academy.edu/MaiaGreen

Situating Knowledge

作为一名人类学家在人类学和发展研究中工作的人类学家,我有时对开发组织进行工作。我所做的那种工作不属于应用人类学或文化翻译的工作。我经常被要求以书面形式提供关于迫切政策目标的问题或情况的快速分析概述。什么是一个situation或者问题由政治背景和政策框架决定,使其在特定时刻相关。

私营部门带领

这类工作在个人和政治上都具有挑战性。当前的发展模式将市场力量和不受约束的私营部门视为积极社会变革的引擎,这些模式正在奠定基础,以前所未有的规模巩固新的不平等。与此同时,富国向穷国的财政转移为改善基本服务的公共提供提供提供了急需的补贴。在发展组织内部和发展组织之间,了解政策在哪里有吸引力,对谁有吸引力,是发展实践中有争议的政治的一个关键部分。亚博国际登录入口

人类学和组织变革:吉莉奈特的筒仓效应

Panda? No, I’m a Dog!

分类和创造世界是人类学关注的核心问题。群体内和群体外,边界和界限是社会和政治秩序的框架。Sorting Things Out正如Bowker和Star所说,分类的社会实践对于理解当代世界各种组织的运作方式至关重要。它还可以提供一个平台,从中改变他们。

吉莉安特特,人类学家和Financial Times这位记者在她最近的书中有力地提出了这一观点。The Silo Effect. Why Every Organisation Needs to Disrupt Itself to Surviveexplores what happens when institutions become too entrenched in their own worlds to be able to see what lies outside them. Closed, self referential networks where socially constructed truths prevail and established ways of doing things are never challenged amount to silos which stifle innovation, limit adaptiveness and lead to organisational failure.亚博国际登录入口

Suggestions for Summer Reading: Karl Ove Knausgaard’s Struggle to Write

在过去的几年里,我沉迷于挪威作家的一系列书籍,卡尔·奥夫·克努斯加德. 这些小说以小说形式呈现,细致入微地探讨了作者从1970年代的童年到与朋友、家人和孩子的关系的日常生活经历。

Knausgaard presents a vivid picture of the world around him as it is affected by, and affects, the constantly evolving interior world of his own perception and consciousness. The writing is phenomenological. It evocatively captures the materiality of ordinary living through its various locations and artifacts, as well as the intensity of the embodied feelings and sensations which make up life as it is lived. The reader experiences what it was like to grow up on an island in Norway, to ride a bike aged thirteen on a summer evening and the click of inserting a cassette tape into a tape recorder in the 1980’s.

These evocations of what anthropologists would recognize as'普通影响'are profoundly moving. The第一本书in the series deals with the emotional repercussions of the death of the author’s father, a violent alcoholic. The最近2016年出版的英文译本描述了他在一家城市医院看望年迈的祖父。虽然这些书的内在取向和对作者狭隘意识的强调乍一看似乎与民族志方法的外在取向形成鲜明对比,但它对他所居住的更广泛的文化和社会世界产生了敏锐的见解。在反思他祖父是心脏病患者的医院以及所有医院的组织结构时,Knausgaard观察了疾病作为折磨特定器官的医学分类是如何组织社会关系和其中的空间的。通过这种分类过程,他祖父的个人身份变得无关紧要。`对于医院来说,所有的心脏都是一样的。

I love reading Knausgaard’s books because such close accounts of every day life and relationships are fascinating. These are, after all, the staple diet of anthropology. But I think these books are good for anthropological thinking beyond this, prompting a reflection on anthropological practice as comprising both participation and representation. Knausgaard’s books offer a situated perspective on what it is to be a social actor in a specific time and place. They provide access to a position usually inaccessible to an anthropologist. They allow the reader to experience `being there’ as an observant participant, from the inside looking out, and as a person who is changed by these experiences.

Knausgaard不仅仅关心参与的问题。他带我们更进一步,因为他探讨了在写作中捕捉这一点的困难。通过文本的结构和作为一种社会实践来探索表征。克努斯加尔德在这一系列作品中讲述了他为成为一名作家而奋斗的一生。这种斗争不仅仅是智力上的。它需要有时间和空间独自坐着不间断地写作,管理其他作品、合作伙伴和儿童的需求,以及处理文学作品中以浪费精力、拒绝和负面评论的形式产生的难看的副产品。

A key insight, over the five books so far published in English (there are six in all), is that good writing takes time. Time to actually do writing, time to develop the skills to write well and, importantly, time to develop a voice. Recommended summer reading.

Getting a Job in the Academy: Some Thoughts From the Other Side

这篇文章并不仅仅是对学院糟糕的工作状况的又一次哀叹。在这方面,美国无疑正在经历一场危机,文科博士毕业生人数的大幅增加以及学生债务规模的扩大更是雪上加霜。这场危机的影响波及到如今的全球学术就业市场。这一点在英国很明显,那里申请人类学学术职位的人数经常超过100人,而十年前可能只有五六十人。

问题是部分结构 - 一方面的数字和帖子之间的不匹配,以及在另一方面的选择性收缩的影响。但需求也是一个因素。人们继续在研究生级别学习,因为它们的激励是任何东西的动力。在任何纪律中,博士研究不仅仅是进入正式的学术就业。而且,虽然高等教育的盲目是一个关于趋势的趋势,但在美国和其他方面,这不是唯一的问题。很难想象在大学部门在大学部门中有足够的安全工作,因为似乎比以往更多的人在追求研究生研究的时候,在大学部门可能是较高的人。

这并不意味着放弃,不想得到一个大学职位,如果这是你真正想要的。但它确实需要一剂健康的现实主义,加上凯伦·凯尔斯基(karenkelsky)提出的那种切实可行的职业建设技巧教授我衷心推荐他的网站。在过去的一年里,作为一名求职委员会成员和一个部门的主席,我一直在工作的另一边,我将提供一些自己的建议。首先是乐观的,如果你至少是人类学家的话。

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Writing Badly, Speaking Better. Practical Books for Doing the Life of the Mind

Rex的帖子回到学校书籍让我思考。“思想的生活”,正如他所说的那样,涉及许多不同的活动。它不仅仅是阅读和写作。说话是我们所做的一部分。以及不同的受众,与否,视情况而定。我们学术演示的大部分方式都妨碍了更广泛的沟通方式。这可能是有意的。在加强我们喜欢的筒仓的墙壁时,我们认为我们的知识促进了我们的社交宇宙中的复杂性和独特性的光环,这是可靠的学术知识。

A recent book addresses this phenomenon as it applies to writing in the social sciences and, by extension, to anthropology.学会写得很糟糕。如何在社会科学中取得成功by Michael Billig is not a ‘How To’ book. Its a `How Not To’ book. But, as the author makes plain, if you don’t write in the way which has become authoritative in your field, even if it entails writing badly, there could be consequences for your reputation if not your career.

Although Billig’s is a book about writing I think that the author’s claims work pretty well for communication in the social sciences more generally. It certainly made me think about how we as anthropologists in academia tend to speak to our audiences whether they are our students or our peers. The formal style of academic presentations in anthropology based on writing rather than on `findings’ prioritizes engagement with other writing over and above engagement with either our audience or our informants. This is quite different to communication in other fields, within and outside academia. A how to book which you may find useful for engaging with these other fields is Carmine Gallo’s像泰德一样说话总结得整整齐齐在这里by Sam Leith of the Financial Times .

Sure, it’s a manual in self promotion (but lets not kid ourselves that academia is any different). But it also has lots of useful tips about connecting with the audience, making a few key points and giving them something to remember. And I learned something wholly new, useful and unexpected. That if you press the B or W keys in powerpoint you can suspend the presentation so your audience is focusing on you not the slide until you are ready to show them the next one. Despite the acknowledged allure of intellectual posturing sometimes you just cant beat useful practicality.

Anthropology and Enlightenment: Reflections on the ASA Conference in Edinburgh

I have just got back from the Association of Social Anthropologists Decennial conference. The ASA formally represents anthropologists from the former Commonwealth countries, including the UK. Like the AAA for those such as myself, who are neither resident in nor citizens of the United States, it’s now more than this- a forum for anthropologists to get together to discuss practice, organize conferences and share ideas.

ASA持有年度会议,其中一些人在英联邦国家。今年的会议是爱丁堡,这是一个神话般的城市以及鉴于即将到来的公投,这将确定苏格兰是否仍然是英国的一部分。该民族主义时刻向会议的主题通报了会议,这些主题在苏格兰启蒙的智力贡献 - 苏格兰启示 - 一般思想的智力贡献以及当代人类学的当代担忧。

These big ideas were intended to be explored in some of the plenaries, depending on the contributors, many of whom did as academics will and explored their own big ideas. This wasn’t a particular problem. As in any conference of this sort, themes are primarily ways of organising the order of events and putting people together. And, this being anthropology, there was less orientation to coherence than to the presentation of highly individual points of view which we were presented with in abundance.

If anything, there was slightly too much on offer. I am not sure exactly how many delegates attended, maybe somewhere between five hundred and one thousand, but there were so many panels, almost eighty, over three full days that the audiences were often very small. On the plus side, this gave the event an intimate feeling, which was reinforced by the social buzz of the coffee breaks. In contrast to the social awkwardness induced by the overwhelming scale of the American Anthropological Association Annual Meetings where delegates huddle over flat screens as they try to work out with whom to seek a connection this was a meeting which encouraged face to face interaction. The setting, a University campus in a part of the city near to downtown, was suitably informal.

所提供的内容与在其他地方举行的其他社会或文化人类学会议上提出的内容差别不大。例如,有关于动物与人类关系、照料和性别问题、现代知识形式、乌托邦和等待问题的小组。本体论和新自由主义作为术语被引用的规律性并不令人惊讶(我甚至在自己关于宗教和大卫休谟的演讲中引用了它们!)新出现的关键词正努力成为下一波流行理论的主导。

许多强有力的前景领域调查结果显示了对观察到的社会实践的见解,因为在迅速变化的情况下重新配置。其他人前景分析预先配置了一个故事的解释框架,通常包括人类学家作为民族识别。我离开了会议,了解了关于我的人类学家的更多信息,而不是我了解他们经历过第一手的世界。

这不是对这次会议的评论。远没有。这是对当前人类学关注的一种反思。好的人类学既要反思自身,也要反思自己的理论,更要反思世界上的现实社会实践。民族志和在这一领域花费很长时间的整个意义在于,把观察人们如何生活在他们创造的世界中作为理论的基石,这些理论可以在不同的环境中描述和解释他们。

作为一个社会人类学的专业展示者,以及社会人类学家认为重要的话题,我非常享受这次会议。它对那些学科之外的人的吸引力就不那么确定了。只要我们的关注从根本上是由社会理论的模式和想象所驱动,我们将继续进行我们会议特有的对话。这些都是迷人和博学的肯定,但如果我们真的关心更广泛的社会,我们应该有他们只有自己?

金融化发展

Cash is Fashionable

Ryan最近的金钱及其流量和街区的帖子会提示我几周前发布了这一点,以回应莱顿同事的请求,为他们的ICA杂志出版,该公司由学习协会出版Itiwana作者:王莹,文化人类学与发展部。在我的品牌和英国骚乱之后,他们认为我可以写一些关于品牌的东西。在坦桑尼亚嗡嗡作响的钱谈中,部分地通过其新地位作为矿业和天然气公司在当前自然资源匆忙的目的地,而是写道,而是如何发展正在重新品牌发展。

千年发展目标的2015年最后期限正在迅速临近。非洲很少有国家有望实现这些目标。收入贫困、粮食无保障、不平等加剧和健康状况不佳仍然是非洲大陆大部分地区的问题。尽管许多国家转向民主政治,但国内冲突和政治不稳定作为殖民地建国和独立后权力斗争的遗留问题在其他国家根深蒂固。在全球市场中,与特定地区相关的资源价值不断上升,正在重新评估非洲作为潜在矿产、天然气和石油来源的价值,以及作为中产阶级不断扩大的高增长地区的价值,这加剧了马里和苏丹的冲突。

Annual growth rates for African economies have averaged six or seven percent for much of the decade. The extent to which growth is a consequence of political stability and sound macroeconomic management is open to question. A more pressing explanation for the recent transformation in Africa’s economic fortune is the global increase in demand for its natural resources enabled by regimes of economic management which are increasingly open to foreign investment and partnerships.

This continental push to promote the commercialization of what can be claimed as `natural’ resources within a context of on-going economic liberalization is legitimating an emerging discourse about the wealth of African nations and the urgent need for investment as the magic bullet which can liberate this capital and create national prosperity. The regionalization agenda which fosters economic integration is aggressively promoted by governments and donors, along with initiatives aimed at strengthening property rights, enabling foreign direct investment and transforming communications infrastructure.

中国作为一个大陆潜在经济救世主的新地位标志着国际发展政治秩序的根本转变。对千年发展目标和撒哈拉以南非洲国家宪法作为适当的发展干预主体的贫穷问题的核心论述,不仅受到整个非洲大陆的政治家和媒体评论员的质疑,而且受到促进市场主导发展的权威技术专家干部的质疑。人们正在重新设想发展不是社会部门支出的结果,而是市场化的结果。

非洲大陆各国都在努力表现出企业家精神和投资友好精神。坦桑尼亚也不例外。与乌干达一样,它实际上已将其减贫战略的方向转向经济增长。加卡亚·基奎特总统的政府现在已经进入第二个任期,正在推行一项和平政策Kilimo Kwanza农业优先,寻求农业市场化,在世界银行等主要捐助者的支持下推动“绿色革命”。尽管国家预算的30%左右仍然依赖捐助者的支持,但干预的基本原理现在处于一个由市场主导的一揽子讨论中。捐助者资助的研讨会充斥着价值链和市场信息的讨论。

坦桑尼亚社会行动基金资助的学校和卫生设施的社会基础设施的社会基础设施更加常规投资已被旨在成为农民团体的收入,以提高自己的生计。该计划的第三阶段很快被实施,围绕着假定从贫穷的贫困人口的假定转变,使得通过节省和微金融,在美国福利改革中平等的短语中,在一份福利的短语中,通过储蓄和微金融。“ahand up not a hand out’.

私营部门倡导者,政府内外倡导者的愿望越来越汇集了发展伙伴作为发展的政策职位,因为在全球范围内重新品牌占据新的市场地位。在坦桑尼亚,与其他地方一样,金融化,作为手段和结束,在这融合中起着核心作用。国际会计师事务所在扩展承包链中争取开发实施的市场份额,这些连锁店混淆了财务和政治问责制。民间社会组织被带入监测公共支出的特定角色以及新的组织形式和参与性做法。公共支出跟踪,被称为宠物,有一套方法必须通过研讨会和津贴注册公民社会志愿者。在包括记分卡和调查的市场研究中同样在家庭中的技术具有政治群体作为可以阐明政府的不满的方式。

Outside these transient relations held tenuously in place through development funding streams, a range of private institutions are seeking to establish the architecture through which the financialization of Tanzanian social life is possible. The limited reach of existing banking infrastructure and the Savings and Credit Co-operative Societies creates potential opportunities for new kinds of financial institutions. These include private financial institutions providing loans to formal sector workers, specialist microfinance lenders such as Pride, and the money transfer services provided by mobile telephone companies, of which the market leader is Vodacom’s Mpesa. The proliferation of formal and informal financial services, and those which straddle this divide, is staggering.

储蓄和贷款团体在城市和农村地区迅速增加,特别是那些根据非政府组织关爱国际促进的乡村储蓄和贷款模式组织起来的团体。这些由大约30名成员组成的团体是一种引人入胜的组织形式,采用仪式化和形式化的策略,以确保团体结构中储蓄的规律性和财务透明度,所有交易都在每周例会上进行,因此是公开的。集团成员每周购买最多5股的股票,目的是确保无法获得巨额利润,并限制富裕阶层通过向较穷的邻居放贷赚钱的潜力。储户以旨在增加储蓄份额价值的利率向集团成员放贷。

Groups operate on an annual cycle after which accumulated interest is divided among members according the value of their purchased shares.These `care groups’ as they have come to be known in some districts are wildly popular because they allow people to borrow money at limited rates of interest, particularly useful in helping meet big expenses such as school fees, funeral contributions and hospital costs. They also provide a predictable return on savings, depending on the extent of borrowing within the group. An additional weekly contribution functions as a kind of social insurance for group members who are paid a sum of money should they fall sick or lose a close family member.

These kinds of groups are heralded by promoters as a locally available form of micro financial institution serving the previously excluded, a social institution for the promotion of fiscal responsibility and the discipline of saving not so much as an end in itself but as the precursor to enterprise. Savings groups thus conceived may indeed be foundational to a new culture of economic change. They also enable a range of distinct practices which support radically different cultures of economic practice, cultures which simultaneously promote and obstruct the aspirations of Tanzania’s economic transformation.

坦桑尼亚南部Ulanga地区,我甲肝病毒e been doing some fieldwork, a large number of `care groups’ have been established over the past two years, with the majority now entering their second savings and loans cycle. Despite the core organizational template which specifies numbers of members and the management structure, the practice of groups varies widely, even within the same geographical area. In addition to variations in the value of shares purchased and the timing and duration of loans, some groups insist on compulsory borrowing as well as saving as a condition of membership as a means of increasing the value of savings for all the members of the group. Many groups also insist that members purchase necessities like laundry soap from the group at a price which is the same as or higher than market prices in order to increase group profit and hence the value of the shares which are divided at the end of the cycle.

Borrowing is socially construed as an emergency response to hardship but valued as the means of increasing savings. In this enactment of savings and loans the group itself is the enterprise and saving framed as entrepreneurial activity which generates a return for individual members. The income generating strategies of group members focus on gathering sufficient cash to make savings, in actuality purchasing regular shares, because this is likely to accumulate more value than alternative forms of enterprise, including agricultural investment. Participating in `care groups’, for people with cash to make regular contributions, is fast becoming a recognized means of making money make money. Consequently, traders and middle income people in the villages close to the district capital are joining multiple groups, allowing them to them to escape the limitation on share purchase within a single group and to access the kinds of loan amounts which can yield profitable returns.

尽管这种做法并不等同于坦桑尼亚新发展秩序的设计者所设想的那种金融化,这个世界的前提是在市场框架内采取非个性化的经济行动。`关怀团体通过团体成员投资的股份和他们支付的贷款利息来履行金钱产生金钱的社会关系,只要费用在一定程度上由团体成员分担,就允许个人获利。有组织的不信任而不是信托集团依赖于公开交易的可视性和简单的技术,特别构造的现金有三个单独的锁,每个锁的单独密钥分布在普通成员之间。这种做法明确了通过储蓄工作赚钱所需的社会劳动以及在社会关系中嵌入金钱的必要性。正是这种嵌入方式,使移动货币服务在非洲大部分地区取得了成功,而不是移动银行业务——人们感兴趣的是在有条件的人之间转移资金的能力,而不是将资金投资于抽象机构的潜力。

政治重点是讨论副教训,伴随着关系和金钱周围的文化专注,阐述了对高度个性化的非法拨款和消费的担忧。“护理小组”的组织结构对基本文化关注的基础文化问题,以允许适应支持核心理想的方式的群体和个人,集体责任,公平和富集。随着人类学一致地表现出来,价值观而不是价值是在任何背景下了解经济实践的基础。这不是全球资本主义或新自由主义经济学的抵抗问题,这是对数值计数的主张。

猎杀猎人?(暂时)像新自由主义者一样思考

马特最近发表了一篇关于人类学等学科在后新自由主义时代的生存的文章,就像所有最好的科幻小说一样,既有趣又可怕,如果说不完全是事实的话,还带有明显的可能性元素。我们认识到这个故事,并从中看到自己,因为我们在各自的位置上正经历着这些变化。这些不仅仅是地理上的,虽然地方变得越来越重要,但包括我们在全球政治经济中的知识生产和接受情况,以及全球教育市场的情况。

的程度焦土场景will actually unfold is uncertain. The mass expansion in higher education globally over the past decade, not just in the global north, is after all a combined product of private and public spending. What the sector is experiencing is, as Matt shows, increasing differentiation.

人类学所占据的生态位正在发生变化。其中一些是灾难性的,因为各部门都在缩减,而另一些部门则面临关闭。但人类学和人种学正努力在学院外和学院内的不同地点寻找新的领地。这当然导致了关于什么是“真正的”人类学的争论,即人类学知识应该在多大程度上作为一种批评立场所构成的不作为研究而存在。

Such refrains may be muffled in the longer term by the roar of rising water over the sinking ship. One established version of what we think of as social anthropology evolved in the nineteen thirties and forties and was distributed widely through the expansion of academic posts and departments in the nineteen sixties and seventies.

The objects of study have changed radically since then, of course, but the ways in which the knowledge categorised as anthropological is organised and obtained hardly at all. At the same time, cognate disciplines, human geography for example, claim to use ethnography as one among many methodological possibilities while also being open to more explicit modalities for the co-production of disciplinary knowledge, not only with colleagues within the discipline but actively with informants.

通过这样的努力,既有收获也有损失。通过紧急理解的解释框架工作的民族志范例研究经验,不仅是人类学的一种特殊方式所独有的。它产生了独特的见解。这在伦理上也是有问题的。讨论它的局限性和潜力是迫切的,重新思考民族志实践和人类学的新方法也是迫切的。如果像我们不断向读者和学生重申的那样,文化和社会实践是相互联系的,那么我们应该更加注意我们所处的关系是如何变化的,以及我们在影响这些关系的转变中可能扮演的角色。正如马特所说,抵抗是一种策略,但不是唯一的策略。在他概述的游戏场景中,一些社区为自己开辟了新的空间,并采用了新的武器和生存策略。

学术生存游戏是否更类似于神奇宝贝(Pokémon),它的公私合作伙伴关系是在有头衔的教授的监督下为战斗中的生物提供健康资源,还是为魔兽世界的血与雷提供健康资源,这可能取决于一个人所处的位置。在英国,在公共支出大幅削减和政府强加的评估所有支出的物有所值议程的情况下,徘徊在经济危机边缘,迫切的问题不仅仅是高等教育的市场化,而是什么样的公共投资水平才是合理的。在这种环境下,像我们这样的学科感到极度脆弱也就不足为奇了。

在曼彻斯特,我们正在探索通过积极参与来应对形势变化的方法。我们不是简单地哀叹新自由主义,虽然我们也这样做了,但我们认为这是一个机会。如果新自由主义改变了我们的大学和我们吸引的学生种类,这对我们的学科意味着什么?我们如何创造需求,吸引不同类型的学生来我们的课程?一个实验性的答案是针对不同类型的学生提供不同类型的课程。

我们的第一年商业人类学课程旨在可访问和相关的本科生,以获得商业和财务学科的学位。它在第一年的交付中吸引了数百名学生,通常没有选择人类学选择的学生。试图在市场术语中思考,使我们能够以不同的方式占据各位,但它也将我们与其他部门的竞争联系在一起。在实践中回应市场可能意味着转移脆弱性的负担。我们作为一个原先保护的物种被迫退出储备。这个世界的猎物世界是否有替代品?我们可以在学院内外的人类学家中作为人类学家,以重组这种特殊的结合吗?

Dominance and Science: Lessons from Chimpanzees

上周末我看了电影《尼姆计划》,这是一部关于20世纪70年代哥伦比亚大学语言学习实验中心黑猩猩的纪录片,对人类学家来说是一部很棒的电影。这些被误导的智力活动不仅是这门学科历史的重要组成部分,电影中描绘的社会世界也提出了至今仍与权力、作者身份和知识领域不平等有关的问题。

The film is partly the tragic story of the chimpanzee, Nim, brought up as a human baby in a New York brownstone, breast fed by his `foster mother’ and taught sign language by a succession of young, mostly female, research assistants.

随着NIM成人的薄壁,他大量的力量和能力咬伤意味着他不能再容纳在人类环境中,而不会对研究团队构成相当大的风险。他被送回了他出生的灵长类机构,是一种野蛮的环境,其中用于控制动物的电动牛刺,最终被销售到医学研究实验室。Campaigning by one of his previous carers and the intervention of a lawyer prepared to extend arguments about human rights to animals raised as human leads to Nim’s eventual rescue and he ends his days in an animal sanctuary where he is ultimately reunited with some of the other chimps from the laboratory.

尼姆长大后有问题的行为倾向于他对支配地位的追求,这是成年雄性黑猩猩的自然行为。尼姆的护理人员和被指派与他一起工作的研究人员必须善于以正确的方式展示自己的主导地位,否则将面临严重的风险伤害。支配其他方面的问题并不局限于黑猩猩的社会世界。这部影片通过首席科学家和他的初级助手(大部分是女性)之间的关系,直观地展现了1970年代构建学术生活的权力和统治等级。助手们承担了大部份的日常实验工作,并亲自照料黑猩猩。教授做了,传播了,并为“科学”赢得了荣誉,一度完全改变了他自己对实验意义的解释。在他看来,与那些每天都与动物互动的人不同,黑猩猩无法按语法组织句子是他们缺乏语言能力的确凿证据。

Of course, the professor’s narrow definition of language as opposed to a wider concept of communication and the divergences of interpretation are of considerable interest, not least in demonstrating the ways in which the framing of a research object determines the scope of what can be considered findings within a particular scientific paradigm, the kind of narrow cause and effect paradigm we face on our forays into Grantlandia’s uncertain territory. But what struck me about this film was its insight into laboratory life in another era, and the ways in which some things change and some things become institutionalized to the point of being foundational.

The institutionalization of ethical review and changes in the legal framework about experiments on animals in many countries mean that what happened to Nim hopefully could not happen again so easily. I am less certain about the imbalance of power between lead scientists and staff, between seniors and juniors. While the gender dimensions of exploitation exposed in the film may be less prevalent today there is no doubt that current mechanisms for funding and employment in Universities in the UK and the US work to promote the silverback and embed this kind of structural hierarchy.

The move towards funding modalities of large projects modeled on the natural sciences system raises questions for anthropologists who have worked as individual scholars, contributing to team endeavors certainly, but not seeking to produce data on which alead scientist’ can pronounce. In such situations how do we manage the balance between individual contribution and科学案例'?持有该领域的资金和研究人员的项目领导者之间的作者和所有权是什么?在多大程度上是多次作者的公约,因为这些资金关系改变了我们工作的社会组织?鉴于家庭气候是我们更多的我们更多的未来,特别是博士,对其他,经常跨学科,项目的工作?

来自英国的消息

我上次在《思想》杂志上发表文章已经有几年了。我在想一种赶时髦的评论。世界是如何改变的。正在改变。包括我们作为学者可以发现的特权泡沫。如果我们幸运的话。这当然在改变。公共资金正在被削减,学术界即使没有陷入动荡,也正在走向全球动荡。这对人类学这样的学科有一定的影响,因为很难证明其影响力和相关性。或许本周英国的动荡为人类学的核心优势移情和解释提供了一些空间。伦敦连续几天的骚乱已经被市中心的骚乱所取代,包括昨天晚上在曼彻斯特市中心和几英里外的毗邻城市萨尔福德。英国广播公司(BBC)和《卫报》(Guardian)等新闻网站提供了骚乱的完整背景。Youtube提供了年轻人闯入市中心商店并带着商品走出的图片。

评论家认为,对th有什么不同is disorder is the rapid transition from a localised political protest at the shooting by police of a young man in Tottenham, an area made famous for politically motivated riots in the 1980s, to what seems to be a new phenomenon, at least in the UK, of spontaneous urban looting which is at present largely confined to retail areas. I am not in a position to comment on who is involved in the rioting or how this differs from previous incidences of organized disorder, political or otherwise, here or elsewhere. As the journalist Zoe Williams remarks in today’s Guardian newspaper, this is the kind of situation you don’t go out and look at. Levels of violence were quite high. Moreover, events can be followed on twitter, blogs, newsfeeds and other social media, a means of participating from a distance and for some an invitation to action.

并不是所有的行动都是消极的。社交媒体集团显然在伦敦和曼彻斯特组织了清理行动。这些事件的电子痕迹无疑将支撑整整一代的社会分析人士在未来数年里,他们努力重现这场显然是大规模的打砸抢事件爆发的原因。另一种改变,另一种民族志的方法。然而,有些事情是不变的,其中之一是有见地的民族志分析的潜力,以告知和阐明社会实践。

我刚读了奥文·洛夫格伦和罗伯特威廉的魔法,文化和新经济。这本书是在20世纪90年代在品牌,影响和形象建立的优步繁荣的高度的20世纪90年代拍摄了一系列新经济惯例的快照。虽然图书中的例子与典型的新经济企业如享有典型的新经济企业,如享有休息酒店和生活方式的水平和通过职业教练的自我实现的市场化,一切都指向情感的重要性,在构建价值,影响作为驾驶员和产品的重要性新的经济秩序和差距或者在实际上是基于什么价值的差距或可能不确定性。

The young people involved in the smashing and grabbing in Manchester last night are widely condemned as lacking core values of respect and decency. Newspapers and members of the public – on the Greater Manchester Police Facebook pages for example- remark that this is not a political protest but a descent into criminality. It is evidently something of both. Indeed, attempts to categorize these phenomena within certain fields will constitute a site of contestation for a long time to come. Lofgren’s and Willim’s book highlights the dramatic inequalities on which the new economy is founded and the circulation of branding as value where value can be socially sustained- the magic of making something out of nothing to which the book’s title alludes. Manchester’s looters focused on high value electronics where these were available and branded goods, particularly clothing. In taking without paying they were demonstrating disrespect certainly, but were they also refusing to accept the magic of the brand?

Witches and Boxes

今年我不教我的参与ideas is coming largely through the things I am reading , rather than through dialogue with students. Its actually the need to understand something in order to explain it to another person which provides me with a good starting point for an ongoing engagement with a topic or theme, an engagement which generally goes way beyond whatever the original class topic was about. My tendency to drift along avenues of interest now runs relatively unchecked without the discipline of having to refocus on the core issues which I would have to address in a course. There are losses from this, a certain fragmentation in reading and thinking which may seem to jeopardize the likelihood of having any coherent thoughts about anything. But there have been enormous gains in the sense of freedom from the constraints of normative connections which one usually makes, enmeshed within the silos of what have come to count as discrete topics and issues in anthropology which have become entrapped within particular discursive frameworks and literatures.

I have written here before about the problem of witchcraft, the way in which anthropology has construed this as primarily an intellectual problem, as a problem of interpretation. Partially escaping the closed circuits of anthropological approaches to the phenomenon is enabling me to embark on some different thinking in relation to witchcraft, different at least in terms of my own approaches to it. I gave alast week looking at witchcraft as an instance of moral re-categorization- so far so usual. But by comparing the social effects of this reordering of obligations and households with social policies in nineteenth century Britain and France a clear parallel emerges in relation to transformations in the kinds and content of social relations which go into making up, literally, modern economies. So witchcraft appears (or is made to appear) not so much as a critique of capitalist reordering, as a modality for its achievement.

我的思维自由来自于把我的盒子变大,把它们放在不同的盒子里。有趣的是,这种扩张性的能力似乎是人类学曾经对其他学科产生过的影响,特别是,也许是矛盾的是,在人类学最偏狭的时候,在它对另一学科的表现最具集权性的时候。也许这是因为它似乎为不同的文化世界提供了如此坚实的替代命题。当然,在当前的背景下,这些多重世界在人类学内外都被援引。考虑到当今人类学越来越单一,也许只有在人类学之外,我们才能对如何认识和理解这些问题有不同的看法。

Conspiracy Theory and Social Theory

Well, I went to the European Anthropology conference and it was really good. Smallish, with perhaps five hundred delegates- with plenary sessions and workshops, the latter being a kind of succession of panel , often with a continuity of themes participants, creating a different and more coherent experience than at the AAAs. And I kind of got the answer to the question I raised the other week, about the rationale for a specifically Europe focused association. The stated aim was for a professional association across the expanded Europe. Another aim, officially unstated but one mentioned in conversation by some delegates, was as an explicit alternative to the apparent American hegemony of the AAA. This was not unexpected. It was however intriguing, especially in relation to some of the topics which came up at the conference, which included conspiracy theories and our current favourite, neo-liberalism.

A presentation by Kathleen Reedy on popular conspiracy theories in Syria got me thinking. It emerged from the discussion that in many ways conspiracy theories are like social theory. They do the same things. And whether or not we categorize something as conspiracy theory or not is a matter of the politics of to what we are willing to accord credibility. This insight brings me back to neo-liberalism, or rather, to anthropological takes on it. We are very keen to accord neo-liberallism conspiratorial power to wholly re-form multiple world orders in its own image; indeed, the opening speech at the conference made this explicit claim.

会议本身部分是为了回应美国的阴谋而召开的。奇怪的是,这种对这种霸权秩序的自觉拒绝似乎并没有导致人类学的根本分歧。。对论文的关注似乎与aaa会议上的各种产品不相上下。这是霸权的胜利吗?是新自由主义的证据吗?正如哈特和内格里所说,这为全球复制同样的少数核心制度形式创造了可能性?或者仅仅是我们在欧洲内外组成了同一个学术团体的现实,欧洲人类学和美国轴心国之间的边界并不是那么大,而是其他地方的边界,也许是受欧洲和北美影响的人类学形式事实上的联盟所强加的?这就引出了另一个问题:产品的明显一致性和人类学现在的关注是否表明了大西洋两岸人类学想象力的危机?

Making Communities is Work

阅读雷克斯关于创建在线社区的挑战的评论让我感到内疚。我一直是一个懒散的博客海报,因此是一个边缘成员的思想社区。但这也让我想到了建立社区所需的工作和时间,以及建立关系和使关系发挥作用的劳动(拉图尔在重组社会关系方面发挥了重要作用)。作为人类学家和学者,我们必须同时以多种方式进行这项工作;通过人际交往和对话,如我们教授或参与人与人之间的辩论和实地考察;通过我们与文本的关系,以书籍、帖子和文章的形式,越来越多地通过与作者的在线交流。然后是一些正式的活动,在这些活动中,我们应该获得一种既有个人风格又有文字风格的存在感,就像在即将到来的会议展示季一样。

本周,在我的假期阅读之后,我正在努力为下周在英国布里斯托尔举行的欧洲社会人类学家会议上举办讲习班会议。这是我的新活动。虽然不是一个巨型会议者,但我倾向于去AAA会议。AAA,无论其短缺,都是包容性的,也可以向所有人类学家,无论如何都是任何障碍。看到那个我有点令人不安欧洲航空航天局声明它是为在欧洲工作或训练的人类学家而存在的。为什么限制?在欧洲受训有什么独特之处吗?有没有欧洲的人类学传统使得把在其他地方受训的人包括进来是不合适的?“欧洲”包括什么?欧美算吗?其他受欧洲影响的地方?或者更确切地说,在某种程度上属于欧洲的各种关系之间的界限在哪里?

I wonder how systematically these boundaries are policed and enforced. I also wonder what the purpose is, especially since the logic of a place based anthropology community has been largely trascended by the combination of cheap air travel and the internet. Personally, I would like to see more inclusive and open organisations which confront and discourage boundaries , whether these are regional, disciplinary or whatever. I think we see the kind of synergy and innovation that results from this kind of openness in the ways that anthropology is changing and in the kinds of things which we now study. As a person qualified in Europe, I will go to the conference and presumably find out more about their regionally exclusive rationale. I will do my presentation and make my limited contribution to face to face community building. After that I hope to have more time to get on with the virtual sort.

Places and Frames: Reading Bruno Latour on Holiday

如果有人幻想一些沉重但有益的阅读尝试Bruno Latour最近发表的书重新组装社会。演员网络理论介绍. 我带着它去度假,还有一堆其他的书,包括《摩擦》和《全球阴影》。不管怎么样,我都只能勉强挺过拉图尔。一旦我读了这本书,其他的书似乎就不那么吸引人了,尽管它们可能是一本更吸引人的书。拉图尔的书似乎不是针对阅读的经验,而是针对阅读的结果。它带领读者在艰难的地形上进行心灵之旅,地形隐喻在书中通过一个关于蚂蚁的首字母缩略词和蚂蚁以某种方式扎根的概念重新出现,因此能够彻底处理阻碍他们前进的任何细节
to unspecified destinations.

Reassembling the Social是对谁写的书之一,以便解决它所的东西。在这种情况下,它针对社会学家,拉古分为两种类型:社会社会学家和那些声称练习批判社会学的人。Latour认为,两种社会学和他们的从业者都不符合科学方法对社会研究的期望。这是因为他们依靠预先存在的社会是社会的概念,并且要考虑人们所做的事情以及为什么这样做。这些账户中社会的想法未能解释这是学习对象的事情。因此,社会行动者的动机总是沉默和忽视。社交行为者的Silenncing是矛盾的,因为声称是社会科学的声称,应该能够展示事情发生的事情或者是如何发生的事情。制作是既有材料和象征的社会过程。材料培养和文化材料之间没有休息。研究对象包括对象,主题对象划分是崩溃的,社会社会的社会社会学是关联的社会,即行动者实现机构发生的关系。

拉图尔在这篇复杂的文章中所说的当然远不止这些,其中一些重申了先前的见解和观点。他对社会学关于社会对语境和地点的关注提出了中肯的观点,从而在概念上永久地回归到全球和地方的分析分裂层面。当我开始阅读的时候,我会更多地思考这个问题摩擦作为“全球联系的民族志”。但在the meantime I think that Latour’s arguments about place are worth exploring for the way they jog ones’ perspective and decentre comfort zones about where we are and what we are claiming to describe when we set out to describe other places. Latour proposes that there is nothing intrinsically contextual about place, that place is simply a staging or framing for traces and associations, near and distant, past and present. Context as such does not exist as a factor which explains or accounts for a place. Placeness is brought to a situation through framing, and only part of this situation is localised.

这种思维方式有些道理。在写这篇文章时,我第一次接触时就想到的是一个后奥吉亚的非地方,不是曼彻斯特,尽管我相信其他人也这么认为,而是地中海的一个度假岛,这种岛屿受到了打包旅游和消费国际化的冲击,似乎不再有任何真正的身份或位置感。在爱尔兰酒吧、西非街头贩卖雕刻大象的商人、以墨西哥、中国和印度为主题的餐馆、报摊上的《国际先驱论坛报》以及广播英国新闻和体育的电视中,你必须积极寻找一些其他更具原创性身份的微弱迹象。拉图尔的说法让我重新考虑我的立场。如果地点是框架而不是背景,那么我所看到的是一个更广泛的痕迹框架,一些地方。